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Rav Menachem Leibteg   Parashat Terumah
  Rav Menachem Leibtag
1. QUESTIONS FOR PREPARATION
2. SHIUR ON PARASHAT TERUMAH
3. QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER IYUN

PARSHAT TERUMAH

PART I - QUESTIONS FOR THE 'SHABBOS TABLE'

1. In Parshat Terumah, how does the wording of the opening commandment to build the "ARON" differ from the opening commandment to build all of the other vessels? [See 25:10,17,23,31 etc., (noting if the command is in singular or plural).]
Attempt to explain why.
Be sure to Ramban on 25:10 for a beautiful explanation.
In addition to this difference, in what manner does the function of the ARON differ from the function of all the other vessels of the Mishkan? Would you say that the ARON is 'part' of the Mishkan, or that the Mishkan is built 'for' the ARON? Relate this distinction to the above question!

2. Relate the purpose of the ARON (see 25:21-22) to the REASON why Moshe ascends Har Sinai for forty days, as explained in 24:12.
Does this explain why it is the FIRST vessel of the Mishkan described in Parshat Terumah? Can you suggest any other reason? How do all of the other vessels of the Mishkan relate to the ARON. Relate in your answer to 29:42-46! In what manner do these psukim relate to 25:8 and 25:21-22?

3. In relation once again to 25:21-22, how does the function of the ARON relate to the function of the KERUVIM? How does this function relate to Bnei Yisrael's request (at Ma'amad Har Sinai) that Moshe speak to them instead of God (see Shmot 20:15-16 & Devarim 5:20-28).
How does this relate to the location of Parshat Terumah in Chumash?

4. In what context is the word "keruvim" used in Sefer Breishit?
[In case you forgot, re-read the end of Breishit chapter 3!]
Can you relate its meaning there to the function of the KERUVIM in the Mishkan. Be sure to note where the "keruvim" are found in the Mishkan (see 25:17-22, 26:1 & 26:31).
Relate your answer to Mishlei chapter 3, especially 3:18 - but be sure to read that entire chapter!

5. What is the precise meaning of the word "MISHKAN" in 26:1 and in the remainder of chapters 26 & 27? Relate also to 25:9. Does the word MISHKAN also have a more general meaning? If so, explain what it is and why it has a 'double' meaning. Relate to the structural difference between the Mishkan and the Bet ha'Mikdash.

PART II - QUESTIONS FOR PREPARATION (for weekly shiur)

1. Review Shmot 24:12-18. Based on these psukim, for what purpose does Moshe ascend Har Sinai in 24:12? Up until this point, have Moshe and/or Bnei Yisrael received any other mitzvot from God? If so, which mitzvot, and when (and where) were they given? How do (or should) those mitzvot differ from the mitzvot that Moshe is now about to receive on Har Sinai?
Note from 24:18 that Moshe will now spend forty days on Har Sinai. In your opinion, how much of the Torah does he receive during these forty days? Can you explain why it will take so long?
Does he receive the entire Torah during these forty days?
If not, what does he (and what doesn't he) receive at this time?
When does he receive all of the other remaining mitzvot?
[If you have time, note the various commentaries on Shmot 34:32 and explain why that pasuk may relate to 24:12 as well.]

2. Even though 24:12-18 is a narrative, the Torah does not continue this narrative until Moshe descends from Har Sinai in chapter 32. In the interim, i.e. chapters 25-31, the Torah records many parshiot of mitzvot. Scan this unit, noting what general categories of the mitzvot that are discussed. Can you identify one general category, or is this simply an assortment of various mitzvot?
If there is one general category, can you explain why specifically this category of mitzvot is discussed by Chumash at this time?
In you opinion, do chapters 25 thru 31 contain ALL of the mitzvot that Moshe received from God during those forty days?
* If not, why are only these specific parshiot recorded at this point in Sefer Shmot, and not the others?
* If yes, why do think that these are the ONLY mitzvot that Moshe receives at this time?

3. As you probably realized, chapters 25 thru 31 discuss the various laws concerning the Mishkan. As you study these laws, and the various vessels of the Mishkan and its structure, can you identify any thematic parallels between these laws and the events that took place at Ma'amad Har Sinai (as described in Shmot chapters 19,20 & 24? Relate especially to 19:9-15,20-24 and 24:1-12. Can you suggest a reason for any of the parallels that you find?
Be sure the study the first Ramban on Parshat Terumah, where he discusses the significance of these parallels.

4. In a similar manner, attempt to identify any thematic parallels that may exist between this section about the Mishkan and the events that take place during the events of "chet ha'egel".
Relate to the person who was chosen to construct the Mishkan (i.e. his grandfather, see 31:2; the need for Aharon to bring a "korban chatat" during the MILUIM ceremony (see 29:14), and the need to 'count the people' prior to its construction (30:16).

5. Based on your answers to the above two questions, attempt to explain the reason for the controversy between Rashi and Ramban concerning WHEN the parshiot of the Mishkan were first given to Moshe Rabeinu.
Be sure to Rashi on 29:1 and Chizkuni on 31:2.
Then, see Rashi on 31:18, and be sure that you understand the reason for this conclusion that these events took place BEFORE God's commandment to build the Mishkan in Parshat Terumah.

6. When Rashi (on 31:18) says: "ein mukdam u'muchar" [the parshiot in Chumash are not necessarily written in chronological order], does it mean that the Torah is written in RANDOM order?
If not, then what order is it written according to Rashi?
Why do you think Ramban disagrees with this principle?
[See also Chizkuni on 34:32 for an extra insight on this matter!]

7. Review 33:7, noting its context within 33:1-11. Note the word "ohel moed", and be sure that you understand its meaning within that context.
Compare this with 25:8, noting its parallel with 29:42-46, and use of the word "ohel moed" in those psukim (29:42,44).
How would this thematic and textual parallel provide support for Rashi's opinion? According to Ramban's opinion, how could one explain the nature of this parallel?

7. According to Rashi, who claims that the commandment to build the Mishkan was first given only AFTER the events of Chet ha'egel, does this imply that had it not been for chet ha'egel that there would never have been a need for a Mikdash?
In your answer, relate to Shmot 15:17, 20:19-22, 23:14-19, and Breishit 28:16-18!
Do any (or all) of these psukim indicate that there may have been a Mikdash, even had Bnei Yisrael not sinned during the events of "chet ha'egel"?
If so, how could this be explained according to Rashi's opinion that the Mishkan came after "chet ha'egel"?
[See and relate to Chizkuni on Shmot 20:20-21 and 31:18. See also Seforno on 20:20-21.]

PART III - PARSHANUT

1. In addition to the first Ramban on Parshat Trumah, see also first Ramban on Sefer Vayikra, and first Ramban on Sefer Bamidbar. Review as well, first Ramban on Sefer Shmot?
What conclusion can you make from these Ramban's, in regard to his understanding of the thematic importance of the Mishkan?

2. Re: the Menorah, read 25:37 - and translate the pasuk into English, based on what you always thought this pasuk meant. Now, read the entire parshia from 25:31-40, and pay careful attention to how you translate 25:37 in the context of the entire 'parshia'. What are the "neirot" of the Menorah? Are they an integral part of the rest of the Menorah as described in 25:31-36? [If not, why not?]
Based on your answer, what should "v'he'a'la et neirota" imply?
- to light [kindle] the Menorah? Or:
- to place the "neirot" upon the Menorah?
Relate your answer to the standard meaning of the Hebrew word "l'ha'alot".

Next, see Rashi on 25:37.
How does Rashi's explanation relate to the above questions?
Finally, see Bamidbar 8:1-4. Based on your answer to the above question, how would you translate these psukim, especially the word "bha'alotcha"?

3. How do we know that the mitzvah to build the Mishkan for all generations, and not just something special for the generation in the desert (or is it). Is there any pasuk that indicates that the Mishkan should also be set up once Bnei Yisrael enter Eretz Canaan? See Rashi on 25:9. See also Chizkuni & Ibn Ezra on that pasuk.
See Rambam - Hilchot Beit Ha'bechira, I:1-3.
Then, review Devarim 12:5-12, Shmot 23:14-19 & 20:18-22, and attempt to find a connection between those psukim and the wording of Rambam's first halacha in Hilchot Beit ha'bechira.

4. What does the word Mikdash imply? For example, does Shlomo ha'melech build a Mikdash or a Mishkan? Can you explain why?
How does a Mikdash differ from a Mishkan, or do both words refer to the same thing?
Relate to 25:8. See Rashi, Rasa"g, Rashbam, Ramban, Chizkuni & Ibn Ezra on this pasuk!
Attempt to explain how and why each commentator provides a different interpretation.
Finally, see Rambam Hilchot Beit Ha'Bechira I.1->3, noting how he relates to this pasuk.

2. SHIUR ON PARSHAT TERUMAH

PARSHAT TERUMAH
Had it not been for CHET HA'EGEL [the sin of the Golden Calf], would Bnei Yisrael have needed a MISHKAN?
Many claim that the answer to this 'philosophical' question lies in the famous 'exegetical' controversy between RASHI and RAMBAN concerning WHEN God commanded Bnei Yisrael to build the Mishkan, BEFORE or AFTER the sin of the golden calf. In this week's shiur, as we study this controversy and its ramifications, we will show how the answer to this question is not so simple. While doing so, we will also try to make some sense out of the thorny issue of "ein mukdam u'meuchar ba'Torah" (chronological order in Chumash).

INTRODUCTION - FOUR UNITS

To understand the source of this controversy between Rashi and Ramban, we must first delineate the FOUR distinct units of the last half of Sefer Shmot. In last week's shiur, we defined and discussed the first of these four units - chapters 19->24, better known as MA'AMAD HAR SINAI.
Chapters 25->31 [i.e. Parshiot Terumah, Tezaveh, and the first half of Ki-tisa] also form a distinct unit, which relates exclusively to God's commandment to build the Mishkan.
Similarly, chapters 32->34 [the 2nd half of Ki-tisa] also form an independent unit, as they describe the events surrounding the incident of CHET HA'EGEL.
Lastly, chapters 35->40 [Parshiot Va'yakhel/Pekudei] make up the sefer's finale, describing the Mishkan's actual construction. The following table reviews these four units:

CHAPTERS TOPIC (PARSHA)
(A) 19-24 MA'AMAD HAR SINAI (YITRO/MISHPATIM) [the FIRST LUCHOT]
(B) 25-31 THE COMMANDMENT TO BUILD THE MISHKAN (TERUMAH/TEZAVEH/half of KI-TISA)
(C) 32-34 CHET HA'EGEL (second half of KI-TISA) [the SECOND LUCHOT]
(D) 35-40 BUILDING THE MISHKAN (VA'YAKHEL/PEKUDEI)
Using the above table, we can view more succinctly Rashi's position that God ordered the Mishkan's construction only after chet ha'egel (see Rashi on 31:8). Rashi simply takes the entire unit 'B' and places it after 'C'. In contrast, Ramban argues that Chumash records these parshiot in their proper chronological order [A->B->C->D]. At first glance, Ramban's opinion appears most logical. To understand and appreciate Rashi's opinion, we must first explain more fully the basis of Ramban's approach.

THE FIRST FORTY DAYS - FOR WHAT?
Recall that at the conclusion of Parshat Mishpatim [the end of Unit (A)], Moshe ascends Har Sinai to receive the "LUCHOT, TORAH, & MITZVAH" (see 24:12). As we know, the LUCHOT are the tablets upon which God inscribes the Ten Commandments. It is unclear, however, to what the words TORAH & MITZVAH refer.
[Note how many different opinions are found among the commentators on 24:12!]
The above chart may provide a simple answer. If we simply follow the narrative in order, then the TORAH & MITZVAH mentioned in 24:12 must be UNIT B!
In other words, 24:12-18 tells us that Moshe ascends Har Sinai to receive the TORAH & MITZVAH, and then 25:1 continues by explaining what God told Moshe. Those commandments continue until the end of chapter 31.
[For those of you familiar with computers, this is similar to the concept of 'WYSIWYG' - What You See Is What You Get. What the Torah records when Moshe goes up - is exactly what Moshe received at that time.]
Furthermore, considering that Moshe ascends Har Sinai to receive the LUCHOT that will be placed in the ARON, then it is only logical that the TORAH & MITZVAH refer to the laws of the MISHKAN, which serves as the 'housing' for the ARON!
Finally, considering that God informs Moshe that he will convey His mitzvot to Moshe from the KERUVIM once the Mishkan is assembled (see 25:21-22), it stands to reason that the laws of the MISHKAN are the first and ONLY set of mitzvot transmitted to Moshe during those forty days.

Therefore, if we follow the strict chronological order of Chumash, Moshe ascends Har Sinai for the first forty days for ONE primary purpose: to receive the LUCHOT and the MITZVOT that describe the building of the Mishkan, for that structure will house the LUCHOT.

Despite the simplicity of this approach, not a single commentator advances it, for two very good reasons:

* First of all, it would not require FORTY DAYS for God to teach Moshe just the laws of the MISHKAN. There must have been something else as well.
* Many other sources later in Chumash imply that Moshe Rabeinu learned many other mitzvot on Har Sinai. See, for example, Parshat Behar (see Vayikra 25:1) and the mitzvot in Sefer Devarim (see 5:1-28 and 6:1).
For these reasons, the commentators must explain why specifically the laws of the Mishkan are recorded at this point in Sefer Shmot, even though many other mitzvot were also given to Moshe during those forty days.
Ramban (see 25:1) offers a very comprehensive and emphatic 'pro-Mishkan' approach. Drafting both textual and conceptual arguments, Ramban claims that the Mishkan serves as a vehicle to perpetuate the experience of MA'AMAD HAR SINAI; it is therefore the FIRST mitzvah that Moshe receives when he ascends Har Sinai. Even though Moshe received other mitzvot at that time, as well (see Ramban on 24:12), Sefer Shmot focuses specifically on the Mishkan because it reflects the unique level that Bnei Yisrael attained when they accepted God's covenant at Har Sinai.
Furthermore, at the focal point of the Mishkan lies the ARON, which contains the LUCHOT - the symbol of that covenant at HAR SINAI. On top of the ARON are the KERUVIM, from where God will now convey to Moshe the remaining mitzvot. This explains not only why the MISHKAN follows Har Sinai, but also why this unit opens specifically with the laws regarding the ARON and KERUVIM.
To summarize Ramban's approach, we will quote a few lines from his commentary [though it is highly recommended that you read the entire Ramban inside]:
"After God had given the Ten Commandments DIRECTLY to Yisrael and instructed them with a sampling of the mitzvot (i.e. Parshat Mishpatim)... and Bnei Yisrael accepted these laws and entered a covenant (24:1-11)... behold they became His nation and He became their God, as was originally stipulated [at Brit Milah and Har Sinai]... Now they are worthy to have a house - His dwelling - in their midst dedicated to His Name, and there HE WILL SPEAK WITH MOSHE and COMMAND BNEI YISRAEL... Now the 'secret' ('sod') of the Mishkan is that God's GLORY ('kavod') which dwelled on HAR SINAI will now dwell [instead] on the MISHKAN 'b'nistar' [in a more hidden manner, in contrast to Har Sinai]..." (see Ramban 25:1)
RASHI'S APPROACH
Despite the beauty and attraction of Ramban's approach, Rashi claims exactly the opposite (see 31:18): that the commandment to build the Mishkan came AFTER, and BECAUSE of, Chet Ha'egel. In other words, Rashi posits that the parshiot are not presented according to their chronological order. Rashi goes even further, claiming that during the first forty days Moshe received ALL the mitzvot of the Torah EXCEPT the laws of the MISHKAN! [In other words, using our original chart, the chronological order would be A>C>B>D; or, using our computer mashal - WYSIWYDG - What You See Is What You DIDN'T Get!] At first glance, such an interpretation seems untenable. Why should the Torah record at this point specifically the mitzvot that Moshe DID NOT receive at this time, while omitting all the mitzvot which He DID receive at this time?! What leads Rashi to this conclusion?
To answer this question, we must first explain the exegetical principle of "ein mukdam u'meuchar ba'Torah" [literally: there is NO ORDER in the sequence of parshiot in the Torah]. Despite the common misunderstanding to the contrary, this principle does not imply that Chumash progresses in random sequence. Rather, it simply means that the arrangement in which Chumash records its parshiot does not necessarily reflect their chronological order.
[Most commentators, and especially many of the Midrashim quoted by Rashi, employ this approach. RAMBAN, however, consistently disagrees with this assumption, arguing that Chumash DOES follow in CHRONOLOGICAL order. Unless a certain technical detail 'forces' him to say otherwise, he always assumes that the order in which Chumash is written corresponds with the precise chronological order of the events as they took place.]

The principle of "ein mukdam u'meuchar" implies that when Moshe received the Torah in its final form in the fortieth year (see Devarim 31:25-26), its "parshiot" were organized based on thematic considerations, and hence not necessarily according to the chronological order of when they were first given. By doing so, the Torah conveys its message not only by the content of each "parshia," but also by intentionally juxtaposing certain parshiot next to one another.
[See Chizkuni on Shmot 34:32 for an important insight regarding this explanation.]

Rashi, following this approach, assumes that Chumash (at times) may prefer a CONCEPTUAL sequence over a chronological one. Therefore, Rashi will often explain that a certain "parshia" actually took place earlier or later when the progression of theme implies as such.

With this background we can better understand Rashi's approach in our context. Employing the principle of "ein mukdam u'muchar," Rashi always begins with considerations of theme and content in mind. He therefore cannot overlook the glaring similarities between the construction of the Mishkan and CHET HA'EGEL. It cannot be just by chance that:

* Bnei Yisrael must collectively donate their gold to build the Mishkan (compare 25:1-2, 32:2-3);
* Bezallel, Chur's grandson, is chosen to build the Mishkan; [Rashi follows the Midrash which claims that Chur was killed because he refused to allow Bnei Yisrael to build the EGEL. (See Chizkuni 31:2.)]
* The opening pasuk concerning the Mishkan - "and they shall make for Me a MIKDASH and I will DWELL IN THEIR MIDST" (25:8) - appears to RECTIFY Bnei Yisrael's situation in the aftermath of Chet ha'egel, when Moshe must move his tent (called the OHEL MOED) far away - OUTSIDE the CAMP (33:7);
* Aharon must bring a PAR (a bull/ an EGEL is a baby bull) for a CHATAT offering during the Mishkan's dedication ceremony. [The requirement of a CHATAT implies the committal of a sin. See Rashi 29:1.]
Rashi therefore explains that the commandment to build the MISHKAN came AFTER chet ha'egel (during the last forty days), for it served as a form of atonement for that sin.
[Nevertheless, it remains unclear according to Rashi WHY the Torah chose to record these parshiot out of chronological order. We'll return to this question later in the shiur.]

L'CHAT'CHILA or B'DI'AVAD?
It is very tempting to consider this dispute between Rashi and Ramban a fundamental argument regarding the reason behind the Mishkan.
Clearly, according to Ramban, the Mishkan is "l'chatchila" [ideal]. In other words, even had "chet ha'egel" never occurred, it would have been desirable for Bnei Yisrael to have a MISHKAN, a physical representation of God's presence in their midst. How should we understand Rashi? Can we infer from his interpretation that the Mishkan is "b'di'avad" [a compromise]? In other words, had it not been for chet ha'egel, would there never have been a commandment to build a MIKDASH? Was the mitzvah to build the Mishkan simply an 'after-thought'? Was it only in the aftermath of Bnei Yisrael's sin that God realized the people's need for a physical representation of His presence?
Despite the temptation of this conclusion, we will now prove that even according to Rashi's interpretation, one CAN (and MUST) agree that God had originally intended that at least some form of physical symbol be used to represent Him.

TEMPLE TERMINOLOGY

To reconcile Rashi's interpretation with Ramban's explanation of the Mishkan, we must differentiate between two concepts:
(1) MISHKAN and
(2) MIKDASH.

Although both words describe a SANCTUARY dedicated to the worship of God, for the sake of clarity, each word (in our explanation that follows) will be given a more specific meaning.

* The MISHKAN is a TEMPORARY Sanctuary (a Tabernacle), a portable, tent-like structure. [Good for travel.]
* The MIKDASH is a PERMANENT Sanctuary (a Temple), such as the massive stone structure built by King Solomon.
We posit that both Rashi and Ramban must agree that the concept of a Sanctuary, a symbol of God's SHCHINA (the divine presence) dwelling with Bnei Yisrael, is "l'chatchila" and in fact comprises a fundamental theme throughout the entire Tanach. To prove this, we must return to some basic concepts previously discussed in our shiurim on Sefer Breishit.
Recall that we first encountered the theme of MIKDASH when Avraham Avinu builds a MIZBAYACH in BET-EL and "calls out in God's Name" (see 12:8 & 13:4). Later, at this same site, Yaakov Avinu awakes from his dream and exclaims:
"Alas, this is the site for a BET ELOKIM, for it is the gate to the heavens." (Br.28:17)
Yaakov then erects a "matzeyva" (monument) and vows that upon his return to Canaan he will establish the site of his "matzeyva" as a BET-ELOKIM - a House for God. [See Breishit 28:17-22.]
Thus, the very concept of a BET ELOKIM clearly preceded the golden calf.
Furthermore, even in "shirat ha'yam," the song that Bnei Yisrael sung after they crossed the Red Sea, we already find an allusion the establishment of a MIKDASH immediately upon their arrival in the land:
"t'viyamo v'ti'ta'eymo el HAR nachlatcha, machon l'shivtcha... - MIKDASH, Hashem kon'nu yodecha..."
(See Shmot 15:17, and its context!)
Finally, in Parshat Mishpatim we find conclusive proof that the basic concept of a BET-ELOKIM is totally unrelated to the events of Chet ha'egel. Recall that even according to Rashi, the laws recorded in Parshat Mishpatim was certainly given BEFORE Chet Ha'egel. [See Rashi on 31:18, where he explain that these laws were given to Moshe Rabeinu during his first forty days on Har Sinai.]
Recall as well that within that set of of laws we find the mitzvah of "aliyah la'regel" - to "VISIT God" three times a year:
"Three times a year you shall celebrate for Me... Keep Chag ha'Matzot... and do not VISIT ME empty-handed... Three times a year all your males SHALL APPEAR BEFORE ME... " (23:14-17)
The existence of a mitzvah to 'appear before God' implies that there most be some type of sanctuary that would represent Him! Hence, without some sort of a MIKDASH, this mitzvah of "aliyah l'regel" could not be fulfilled.
The next pasuk provides final proof that this sanctuary corresponds to the concept of a BET-ELOKIM:
"Your first fruits must be brought to BET HASHEM ELOKECHA - the HOUSE of Hashem your God ..." (23:19)
Once again, we fine a commandment that clearly implies that there will be some sort of 'sanctuary' that will serve as God's House.
Hence, based on the above analysis, even Rashi must agree that there would have been a need for a BET-ELOKIM even had Bnei Yisrael not sinned at "chet ha'egel". In fact, there is no reason why Rashi would not agree with Ramban's explanation that the PRIMARY purpose of the Mikdash is to serve as a physical symbol of God's presence, through which Bnei Yisrael can relive their experience at Har Sinai.
Therefore, the dispute between Rashi and Raban over WHEN God issued the command to build the Mishkan relates to a less fundamental question, i.e. why there was a need for Bnei Yisrael to construct a TEMPORARY sanctuary BEFORE they entered the Land of Israel.
According to Rashi's interpretation, we must assumed that had Bnei Yisrael not sinned at chet ha'egel, there would have no need for them to build a TEMPORARY Mishkan in the desert. Instead, Bnei Yisrael could have simply waited a few more months and built a PERMANENT Mikdash as soon as they conquered the Land. Ramban would argue that even had Bnei Yisrael not sinned, it was still necessary for them to build a temporary MIKDASH before they left Har Sinai. Let's attempt to explain why.

THE WAY IT SHOULD HAVE BEEN
Rashi's position may be based upon God's original plan that Bnei Yisrael would conquer the land through supernatural, divine intervention (see 23:20-28). Assisted by God's miracles, Bnei Yisrael would have needed only a very short time to complete at least the first wave of conquest. Had that actually occurred, there would have been no need to build a temporary Mishkan, for within a very short time it would have been possible to build a permanent Mikdash instead.
After "chet ha'egel," however, the entire situation changes as God removes His SHCHINA from the camp. Bnei Yisrael must first bring the SHCHINA back to the camp BEFORE they can conquer the Land. Hence, according to Rashi, the actual process of building the Mishkan could be considered a "spiritual rehabilitation" project. Furthermore, it provides Aharon and Bnei Yisrael with the opportunity to build a sanctuary where they can offer korbanot and thus achieve atonement for their sin.
One could also suggest that due to "chet ha'egel" and the 'lower level' of the "malach" that will lead them into the land (see Shmot 33:1-5 and shiur on 13 Midot), it may now take much longer for Bnei Yisrael to complete the conquest. Therefore, a temporary Mikdash [= Mishkan] is required, until a more permanent Mikdash can be built.

A CONCEPTUAL JUXTAPOSITION
According to this interpretation, we can now understand why (according to Rashi) the Torah places the commandment to build the Mishkan out of chronological order. Even though the mitzvah to build the Mishkan should have been recorded AFTER the story of Chet ha'egel, the Torah intentionally records it earlier - immediately after Ma'amad Har Sinai - IN ORDER to emphasize the conceptual connection between Matan Torah and the Mishkan/Mikdash.
Hence, Rashi can reach the exact same conclusion as Ramban regarding the importance of a MIKDASH - "l'chatchila"! Now that Rashi makes so much sense, why doesn't Ramban agree? To answer this question, we must return to our discussion of the differing approaches to "mukdam u'muchar."
Ramban prefers his principle that Chumash follows chronological order. Despite the similarities between the Mishkan and the story of "chet ha'egel" (as listed above), they are not convincing enough to warrant, in Ramban's view, a distortion of the order of these parshiot. Therefore, Ramban maintains that even had it not been for chet ha'egel, there still would have been a need for a temporary Mishkan.
In fact, one could suggest a very simple reason for the immediate need of a temporary sanctuary. As we explained earlier, Bnei Yisrael must still receive many more mitzvot from God. A Mishkan - with the ARON and KERUVIM at its center - is therefore necessary as the medium through which God can convey the remaining mitzvot to Moshe. Furthermore, once the SHCHINA descended upon Har Sinai, some sort of vehicle is necessary to 'carry it' with them as they travel from Har Sinai towards Eretz Canaan.
[Accordingly, Ramban explains that most all the mitzvot recorded in Sefer Vayikra and Sefer Bamidbar were actually given from the Ohel Moed (Mishkan). See Ramban Vayikra 1:1 & 7:38. In regard to Sefer Devarim, see Ramban on 24:1 & 24:12.]

To summarize, the dispute between Rashi and Ramban stems from their different exegetical approaches and pertains only to WHY a TEMPORARY Mishkan was necessary. However, both would agree that a PERMANENT Mikdash would have been necessary even had Bnei Yisrael not sinned at chet ha'egel.

Our shiur on Parshat Tezaveh will analyze the internal structure of this unit of chapters 25->31 in order to uncover additional parallels between the MISHKAN and the events of Ma'amad Har Sinai.

3. FOR FURTHER IYUN
A. See Seforno on Shmot 20:21 and 31:18. Relate this shita to the concepts developed in this week's shiur.
1. Would Seforno maintain that there would have been a permanent Mikdash had Bnei Yisrael not sinned? If so, how would it have looked? How does this relate to Yaakov's neder?
2. How does the MIZBAYACH relate to the MIKDASH?
Relate to the Matzeyvot and Mizbayach in 24:4-7!

B. Review Devarim chapter 12. Note the repeated use of the phrase "ha'makom asher yivchar Hashem" and its context. Pay special attention to 12:5-12, noting when is the proper time to build the Mikdash.
1. Relate this phrase to the concept of a PERMANENT Mikdash, as discussed in the above shiur.
2. Considering that Sefer Devarim contains the mitzvot which God originally gave Moshe at Har Sinai (before chet ha'egel), explain why Sefer Devarim makes no mention of the MISHKAN, yet mentions "ha'makom asher yivchar Hashem" numerous times.

C. Although the Rambam did not write a commentary on Chumash, we can infer his understanding of certain psukim based on his psak halacha in Mishne Torah.
The opening Rambam in Hilchot Beit Ha'bchira (Sefer Avodah) defines the source of the commandment to build a MIKDASH (see 1:1). Read that Rambam (and, if you have time, the first five halachot).
1. What is difficult about the Rambam's wording in 1:1?
What is the source of our obligation to build a MIKDASH?
2. Why, according to the Rambam, is the phrase "v'asu li Mikdash" (25:8) insufficient as a source for this obligation?
3. Why does the Rambam include the criteria, 'ready to offer upon it korbanot' and 'to celebrate there THREE times a year'?
Can you relate these phrases to Shmot 23:14-19 and this week's shiur?
4. Why does the Rambam quote the pasuk from Devarim 12:9-11?
Read those psukim carefully!

For more articles by Rav Menachem Leibtag, visit his web site,  www.tanach.org

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